Sunday, March 13, 2011

Information v. National Security



As a journalism student, I have always been very supportive of open information. Transparency and accountability for private companies, government agencies and even journalists themselves are vital to the well-being of citizens by aiding them to make important, enlightened decisions that affect their everyday lives. As someone from a military family, however, I have also had one specific reservation regarding this open flow of information: national security. Personally, if the issue were between knowing information first and saving lives, I would absolutely choose saving lives every time. However, this type of approved secrecy is a delicate issue and can easily go too far, sparking its controversial nature among journalists and the general US population. Frankly, it opens up a horde of difficult First Amendment-related questions. Who can be barred from speech in this instances? What constitutes a matter of national security? How many people have to be at risk before it becomes a national issue? Questions like this help to fuel the debate over which would win the ultimate case where information goes up against national security.

On October 12, 2001, Attorney General John Ashcroft sent out a memo to heads of all federal departments and agencies. The note discussed the federal Freedom of Information Act and stated that while the government is dedicated to providing essential information to citizenry, it is “equally as committed to protecting other fundamental values that are held by our society. Among them are safeguarding our national security, enhancing the effectiveness of our law enforcement agencies, protecting sensitive business information, and, not least, protecting personal privacy.”  Up until this point, I completely agreed with Ashcroft’s statement. While information, clarity and government accountability is essential, so is the imminent protection of US citizens, especially as this note was sent just weeks after 9/11.

As the memo continues though, Ashcroft seemed to almost undermine the federal FOIA, stating “Any discretionary decision by your agency to disclose information protected under the FOIA should be made only after full and deliberate consideration of the institutional, commercial, and personal privacy interests that could be implicated by disclosure of the information.”  The journalist in me had a difficult time with this. Sure, as consenting employees of the government, federal department heads are not necessarily being deprived of their First Amendment right by being barred from specific speech in specific situations. But while institutional issues may be valid, allowing commercial and personal privacy interests to become a strong part of the decision may very well open up numerous opportunities for unnecessary government secrecy. For example, while trade secrets are obviously a commercial exemption, could a contract between a government agency and a corrupt weapons dealer overseas also be considered a commercial interest? What about the personal privacy of a government employee who is caught in an act of fraud?  While these examples may be extreme, they are still incredibly viable.

Another significant issue I had with this memorandum had to do with the presumption of nondisclosure. Ashcroft’s memo switched the entire thought process of federal department leaders to assume that under the majority of circumstances that arise, their departments should be able to find a reasonable cause to decline FOIA requests.  This is nearly exactly opposite of a memo released in 1993 by Ashcroft’s predecessor, Janet Reno, who strongly supported FOIA and believed requests should only be denied under threat of legitimate and immediate harm. The mindset seemed to switch from Reno's pro-free speech, pro-open information policy to anti-transparency all with a simple, basic memo.

Also, Ashcroft’s memo stated that as long as the request’s decline has some sort of legal basis, the Department of Justice would defend it. This was again a switch from Reno’s 1993 note which it stated: “The Department will no longer defend an agency's withholding of information merely because there is a "substantial legal basis" for doing so. Rather, in determining whether or not to defend a nondisclosure decision, we will apply a presumption of disclosure…In short, it shall be the policy of the Department of Justice to defend the assertion of a FOIA exemption only in those cases where the agency reasonably foresees that disclosure would be harmful to an interest protected by that exemption. Where an item of information might technically or arguably fall within an exemption, it ought not to be withheld from a FOIA requester unless it need be.”

While I believe national security should take priority over information in incredibly extreme times (such as after 9/11), Ashcroft’s memo took government secrecy too far. The government and its leaders should not be under the constant impression that the American public does not have credible reasons to request government information or that any released information will result in harm. Rather, the government should presume that the release of information could only further the marketplace of ideas, rather than cripple the safety of the public. Only under extreme and deliberately researched circumstances that would result in inevitable harm should requests be denied, with exemption given only to the provisions stated in the federal FOIA act itself.

On March 19, 2009, current Attorney General Eric Holder effectively reversed Ashcroft's memo with a statement that was sent out to all federal department heads. The memo basically reinstated Reno's former policy, one of "a presumption of openness." The statement even went further to encourage partial disclosures in cases where full disclosures may not be permissible. However, I can only hope that the FOIA policy  that is in place today will continue to remain open, such as it has under Reno and Holden, and not continually stagger with the incoming of each new president or political majority's term.

Sources:




Tuesday, March 1, 2011

Citizens United v. FEC: How big business affects journalism

On January 21, Keith Olbermann resigned from MSNBC, following a tumultuous scandal regarding political donations the news commentator made. Some cheered as though objective journalism was winning a battle and others said MSNBC was killing its “golden goose.” While the issue of individual journalists’ contributions to political campaigns gained national attention, imagine if MSNBC (or rather General Electric, which owns MSNBC) had contributed to such a campaign. According to Citizens United v. FCC (decided almost exactly a year before Olbermann resigned), General Electric, under the First Amendment, would have every legal right to do so.
 In January of 2010, the Supreme Court made a landmark ruling in deciding that corporations (as viewed by the court as individuals) have a First Amendment right to make unlimited campaign contributions. According to an article in Miller-McCune, speculation of campaign spending for the most recent midterm election was nearly $300 million, with nearly half of that money coming from groups that did not wish to disclose any information about their financial sources to the FEC. Although it’s impossible to say what it would have been otherwise, many believe that the Citizens United ruling had a strong influence in increasing midterm spending to be more on par with that of the 2008 presidential election.
 Although much of the news media focused on the effects of Citizens United with regard to corporations such as Google or Microsoft, the law applies across the board and includes news and media corporations as well. So far, many individual news corporations, including MSNBC, have in place private ethics policies and contracts with their employees regarding what can and cannot be done in terms of political contributions. The law, however, does view these conglomerates as individuals with a right to reverse these policies and start spending immediately, if they so choose.  To go back to the General Electric example, this conglomerate owns numerous local television stations, Bravo, NBC, MSNBC, Oxygen, USA Network, Universal Pictures, Universal Studios, iVillage, Focus Features, GE Appliances and GE Energy—just to name a few. Despite the financial state of journalism, General Electric owns more than just newspapers and has incredible spending power. And this isn’t a rare case. Other media conglomerates such as Comcast, The New York Times Company, The Walt Disney Company and Gannett own dozens of media and news outlets nationwide.
While these companies are undoubtedly enormous, it isn’t hard to imagine a world where ridiculous amounts of political spending are being done on behalf of these corporations and thus influencing both the major and minor subsidiary companies and their daily actions.
But what does this mean for journalism? MSNBC and FOX News obviously have a certain political slant, and some argue that this is just a hearkening back to Mill’s principle of the free marketplace of ideas. This type of commentary-fueled journalism, however, is a slippery slope. Although I completely support a market place of ideas where truth will ultimately prevail, the secrecy of this truth in journalism is often the issue. To reach back to the Olbermann example, one of the many issues that presented itself was that Olbermann had financially supported many people he interviewed on his show without disclosing that information to his audience. I think a similar issue presents itself with the larger media conglomerates. To be honest, I don’t doubt that these companies have made substantial political contributions to someone somewhere at some point. What does bother me though, is that I most likely have absolutely no idea who it was to and how that contribution will affect the information I get from these companies.
Some corporations have made an effort to retain their journalistic integrity though. For example, whenever a local ABC news network (which is owned by The Walt Disney Company) runs a story discussing Disney World, there is a disclaimer before the story airs mentioning that ABC and Disney World do have an affiliation. If this kind of process could be expanded to politics and, essentially all other affiliations, I think the system could clearly succeed. Putting that much trust in big business is difficult for me though.
But, with full and honest disclosure, however, I do think that the system Citizens United put in place can provide the best of both worlds- corporate political freedom and honest reporting in the media.

Sources
Citizens United v. FEC
Following the Money a Year After Citizens United
Who Owns What- Columbia Journalism Review
Supreme Court Rips Up Campaign Finance Laws
The press after Citizens United